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Government by Temper Tantrum
October 11, 2005
by Doug Thompson
Capitol Hill Blue
President George W.
Bush’s temper tantrums are on the rise, with White House insiders
reporting increasing tongue-lashing of staffers, obscenity-filled
outbursts and a leader driven to the edge by what he sees as party
disloyalty and a country that no longer trusts him.
Conservative backlash
over his latest Supreme Court nominee may, in fact, have pushed the
President over the edge.
“He’s out of
control,” one White House aide says privately. “There’s no
other way to put it. His anger spills over in meetings. He berates
anyone who brings him bad news but there's not a lot of good news we
can bring the President right now. He calls other Republicans 'motherfucking traitors' and
it is becoming more and more of a challenge to keep that anger from
showing in public.”
A Bush White House,
that has always prided itself with an ability to shield the
President’s weaknesses from the public, faces a mounting list of
embarrassing public incidents.
The most recent came
when Bush fled Washington to avoid the largest anti-war rally since
Vietnam, some reporters asked him if he was running away.
“No goddamn it,”
he snapped back. “I’m going to keep track of Hurricane
relief.” Then he flew out of town to a command center in Colorado
to watch what was happening in New Orleans, something he could
easily have monitored from the situation room of The White House.
Reporters present said Bush pushed his way past aides to get away
from more questions.
“Bush was happy to
get out of town and track Hurricane Rita last weekend as a way of
displaying his new-found interest in the suffering of hundreds of
thousands of people in the Gulf area,” wrote Helen Thomas of
Hearst Newspapers. “He flew to Austin, Texas, and spent the
night in San Antonio. He traveled to a command center in Colorado,
where he was able to monitor Hurricane Rita while an estimated
100,000 to 300,000 Americans converged on Washington and peacefully
demonstrated against the Iraq war. Their protest included a march in
front of the White House.”
The mainstreamers have
long joked about Bush’s temper tantrums but have only recently
started writing about them.
“There's a doctoral
dissertation to be written about Bush appointees named during the
administration's frequent fits of Petulant Pique,” Molly Ivins
writes. “These PP appointments are made in the immortal childhood
spirit of "nanny-nanny boo-boo, I'll show you.”
In Time Magazine this
past weekend, Joe Klein asks: “Turf wars, temper tantrums,
mysterious leaks—has Bush lost control of his own government?”
“The President's rut
reflects a gathering dysfunction in his Administration,” Klein
continues. “The White House seems paralyzed.”
But is this something
new? Consider this from Andrew Stephan of The Observer in London:
“The 43rd US
President has always had a much-publicized knack for mangled syntax,
but now George Bush often searches an agonizingly long time,
sometimes in vain, for the right words. His mind simply blanks out
at crucial times. He is prone, I am told, to foul-mouthed temper
tantrums in the White House. His handlers now rarely allow him to
speak an unscripted word in public,”
Stephan wrote that
analysis on October 17, 2004, two weeks before last years’s
election. In the same article he reported:
“A senior
Republican, experienced and wise in the ways of Washington, told me
last Friday that he does not necessarily accept that Bush is
unstable, but what is clear, he added, is that he is now manifestly
unfit to be President.”
That was nearly year
ago. Since then the situation has only gotten worse.
For President Under Duress, Body Language Speaks
Volumes
October
12, 2005
by Dana Milbank
Washington
Post
It's
only 6:17 a.m. Central time, and President Bush is already facing
his second question of the day about Karl Rove's legal troubles.
"Does
it worry you," NBC's Matt Lauer is asking him at a
construction-site interview in Louisiana, that prosecutors
"seem to have such an interest in Mr. Rove?"
Bush
blinks twice. He touches his tongue to his lips. He blinks twice
more. He starts to answer, but he stops himself.
"I'm
not going to talk about the case," Bush finally says after a
three-second pause that, in television time, feels like a commercial
break.
Only
the president's closest friends and family know (if anybody does)
what he's really thinking these days, during Katrina woes, Iraq
violence, conservative anger over Harriet Miers, and legal trouble
for Bush's top political aide and two congressional GOP leaders.
Bush has not been viewed up close; as he took his eighth
post-Katrina trip to the Gulf Coast yesterday, the press corps has
accompanied him only once, because the White House says logistics
won't permit it. Even the interview on the "Today" show
was labeled "closed press."
But
this much could be seen watching the tape of NBC's broadcast during
Bush's 14-minute pre-sunrise interview, in which he stood
unprotected by the usual lectern. The president was a blur of
blinks, taps, jiggles, pivots and shifts. Bush has always been an
active man, but standing with Lauer and the serene, steady first
lady, he had the body language of a man wishing urgently to be
elsewhere.
The
fidgeting clearly corresponded to the questioning. When Lauer asked
if Bush, after a slow response to Katrina, was "trying to get a
second chance to make a good first impression," Bush blinked 24
times in his answer. When asked why Gulf Coast residents would have
to pay back funds but Iraqis would not, Bush blinked 23 times and
hitched his trousers up by the belt.
When
the questioning turned to Miers, Bush blinked 37 times in a single
answer -- along with a lick of the lips, three weight shifts and
some serious foot jiggling. Laura Bush, by contrast, delivered only
three blinks and stood still through her entire answer about
encouraging volunteerism.
Perhaps
the set itself made Bush uncomfortable. He and his wife stood in
casual attire, wearing tool belts, in front of a wall frame and some
Habitat for Humanity volunteers in hard hats. ABC News noted
cheekily of its rival network's exclusive: "He did allow
himself to be shown hammering purposefully, with a jejune
combination of cowboy swagger and yuppie self-consciousness."
Perhaps,
too, the president's body language said nothing about his true state
of mind. But the White House gave little other information that
might shed light on this. A White House spokesman, Trent Duffy,
entered the press cabin on Air Force One to brief reporters at 1:58
p.m. He left two minutes later, after answering the only question by
saying, "We don't have anything to announce."
The
one newspaper reporter allowed to travel with Bush as part of the
White House's "pool" system reported back to her
colleagues after the "Today" event: "we were at a
distance and could not hear what was being said (a theme of the
day)." Other than the "Today" appearance, Bush
delivered a one-minute talk to military recovery workers ("I'm
incredibly proud of the job you have done") and a two-minute
statement outside a school ("out of the rubble here on the Gulf
Coast of Mississippi is a rebuilding").
Certainly,
Bush retained many of the gestures that work well for him: the
purposeful but restrained hand gestures, the head-tilted smile of
amusement and the easy laugh. But he seemed to lose control of the
timing. He smiled after observing that Iraqis are "paying a
serious price" because of terrorism.
As
Lauer went through his introduction, the presidential eyes zoomed
left, then right, then left and right again, then center, down and
up at the interviewer. The presidential fidgeting spiked when Lauer
mentioned the Democratic accusation that Bush was performing a
"photo op." Bush pushed out his lower front lip, then
licked the right corner of his mouth. Lauer's query about whether
conservatives "are feeling let down by you" appeared to
provoke furious jiggling of the right leg.
Bush
joked about his state of mind when Lauer asked Laura Bush about the
strain on her husband. "He can barely stand!" the
president said, interrupting. "He's about to drop on the
spot." But the first lady had a calming influence on the
presidential wiggles. When Laura Bush spoke about her husband's
"broad shoulders," the president put his arm around her --
and the swaying and shifting subsided.
The
president, now on more comfortable terrain, delivered a brief homily
about "the decency of others" and "how blessed we are
to be an American." Through the entire passage, he blinked only
12 times.
Bush accused of staging chat with troops
October 14, 2005
by Jamie
Wilson Washington
The
Guardian
The
White House found itself at the centre of another public relations
disaster yesterday after a Pentagon official was seen coaching a
group of handpicked US troops before a live teleconference with
President George Bush.
In
a cringingly wooden exchange the group of soldiers stationed in
Saddam Hussein's home town of Tikrit told the president exactly what
he wanted to hear - that Iraqis were eager to vote on a new
constitution this weekend and the country's fledgling security
forces were ready to meet the challenge.
But
before Mr Bush entered the room, Alison Barber, a senior defence
department official, went through a list of topics the president
would later ask them about. At her prompting, the soldiers, who were
displayed on a large video screen in a room of the Eisenhower
Building next to the White House, raised their hands when the topic
they were to answer came up.
At
one point, she said, Mr Bush would ask them specifically, "In
the last 10 months, what kind of progress have we seen?" before
asking who was prepared to answer the question. "Master Sgt
Lombardo," one of the soldiers replied.
Minutes
later Mr Bush asked the same question and Master Sgt Corine Lombardo
responded: "Over the past 10 months, the capabilities of the
Iraqi security forces are improving ... They continue to develop and
grow into a sustainable force." Mr Bush then asked: "Do
the Iraqis want to fight, and are they capable of fighting?" He
was told they were.
Ms
Barber insisted later the questions were not rehearsed. The military
had been told ahead of time only about topics the president might
want to talk about, not specific questions. "We just knew broad
themes," she said. The White House spokesman Scott McClellan
said: "All they were doing was talking to the troops and
letting them know what to expect."
But
Democrats dismissed the event as a sham. The Senate minority leader,
Harry Reid, said: "The American people and our brave troops
deserve better than a photo-op for the president and a pep-rally
about Iraq. They deserve a plan. Unfortunately, today's event only
served to highlight the fact that the president refuses to engage in
a frank conversation about the realities on the ground."
Jitters at
the White House Over the Leak Inquiry
October 14, 2005
by Richard W. Stevenson
New York Times
WASHINGTON, Oct. 13 - Karl
Rove nosed his Jaguar out of the garage at his home in
Northwest Washington in the predawn gloom, starting another day in
which he would be dealing with a troubled Supreme Court nomination,
posthurricane reconstruction and all the other issues that come
across the desk of President Bush's most influential aide.
But Mr. Rove's first
challenge on Wednesday morning came before he cleared his driveway:
how to get past the five television crews and the three
photographers waiting for him. He flashed his blinding high beams
into the camera lenses and sped by.
That is the way things are
for the Bush White House these days. The routines are the same. But
everything, in the glare of the final stages of a criminal
investigation that has reached to the highest levels of power in
Washington, is different.
Mr. Rove is scheduled to
testify before a federal grand jury on Friday, the fourth time he
will have done so in the case, which centers on the disclosure of an
undercover C.I.A. officer's identity.
Mr. Rove, deputy White
House chief of staff for policy and senior adviser, and I. Lewis
Libby, Vice President Dick
Cheney's chief of staff, are the most prominent
administration officials to find themselves squirming under the
attention of the hard-nosed special prosecutor, Patrick J.
Fitzgerald, and the attendant news media scrutiny.
But the inquiry has swept
up a dozen or more other officials who have been questioned by
investigators or have testified before the grand jury, and, should
it lead to the indictment of anyone at a senior level, it has the
potential to upend the professional lives of everyone at the White
House for the remainder of Mr. Bush's second term.
The result, say
administration officials and friends and allies on the outside who
speak regularly with them, is a mood of intense uncertainty in the
White House that veers in some cases into fear of the personal and
political consequences and anger at having been caught in the snare
of a special prosecutor. And given how badly things have been going
for Mr. Bush and his team on other fronts - a poll released Thursday
by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center put his approval rating at 38
percent, a new low - they hardly have deep reserves of internal
enthusiasm or external good will to draw on.
"Everyone is going
about the work at hand while bracing for the worst case," said
a senior administration official, speaking on the condition of
anonymity to get around the official White House position that it
will not comment on the investigation.
Most administrations come
to a point like this, at risk of being paralyzed internally and
frozen externally in the klieg lights of scandal. To those who
worked in the White House under Bill
Clinton, it was almost a way of life and such a searing
experience that many former Clinton officials have more than a
dollop of sympathy for what their successors in power are going
through.
"In this presumption
of guilt culture, which is what has come about in Washington in the
last 10 or 15 years, there must be a sense of anger there and an
inability to manage the facts," said Lanny J. Davis, a lawyer
in Washington who was brought into the Clinton White House to help
deal with the multiple investigations of that administration.
"It's hard to imagine how bad it is. You sit at your desk and
you know what the facts are, but you can't get them out to the
public because the lawyers tell you you can't - or if you can, the
noise from the presumption of guilt culture overwhelms the
facts."
Mr. Bush joked late last
year with Matthew Cooper, a reporter for Time magazine, about why
Mr. Cooper was not yet in jail for fighting a subpoena demanding
that he testify about a conversation with a source who later turned
out to be Mr. Rove. These days, though, the leak investigation is
almost never spoken of openly within the West Wing, and certainly
not made light of, administration officials say.
Lawyers for most of the
officials who have testified before the grand jury have by and large
chosen not to share information with one another, leaving colleagues
largely in the dark about what others are telling Mr. Fitzgerald.
There is a presumption
inside the White House that anyone who was indicted would resign or
go on leave to fight the charges, though it is unclear what planning
has taken place for that possibility.
The prospect of a White
House without Mr. Rove, Mr. Bush's longtime strategist, has some
allies of the president in a near panic, fearful that without him
the administration would lose the one person capable of enforcing
discipline across a party that has become increasingly fractious and
that is almost at war with itself over the president's nomination of
Harriet E. Miers to the Supreme Court.
With the White House
stumbling and preoccupied, some allies of the president already see
a policy void that is being filled by other prominent Republicans,
like Senator John
McCain of Arizona, who recently outmaneuvered the administration
to win passage of an amendment that would set new standards to guard
against the use of torture in the interrogation of detainees in the
fight against terrorism.
Asked about the case in his
daily on-camera news briefing on Thursday, Scott McClellan, the
White House press secretary, portrayed Mr. Bush as eagerly awaiting
the results of the investigation. The case centers on whether
administration officials illegally disclosed the identity of the
C.I.A. officer, Valerie Wilson, as part of an effort to distance the
White House from criticism by her husband, Joseph C. Wilson IV. In
mid-2003, Mr. Wilson, a former diplomat, became an outspoken critic
of how the administration had used prewar intelligence about Iraq's weapons programs to justify the invasion.
The investigation led to
the imprisonment of a reporter for The New York Times, Judith
Miller, for 85 days for refusing to testify before the grand jury
about a conversation with a confidential source, later identified as
Mr. Libby.
"The president has
said that no one wants to get to the bottom of it more than he
does," said Mr. McClellan, whose own credibility has taken a
pounding because of statements he made two years ago that Mr. Rove
had no involvement in leaking the C.I.A. officer's identity. "I
want to get to the bottom of it. We don't know all the facts."
Despite the fear inspired
by Mr. Fitzgerald, the White House has treated the special
prosecutor extremely gingerly, making no public criticism and
pledging at every turn to be completely cooperative. When Mr. Bush
was asked about the investigation during an appearance on the NBC
News "Today" program on Tuesday, he said Mr. Fitzgerald
had conducted the case in "a very dignified way," a
statement that could make it difficult for Republicans to attack the
prosecutor if he should bring charges against administration
officials.
If the Bush White House is
marked by anything, it is relentlessness and resilience. While the
West Wing seems more on edge than usual - Mr. McClellan got into an
uncharacteristically heated exchange with reporters on Thursday
about the Miers nomination - the official line is business as usual,
and the principals appear to be trying hard to play their roles.
Mr. Libby still arises in
the wee hours each morning and puts in 14- to 16-hour days in Mr.
Cheney's office.
Mr. Rove, who left his
house at 5:50 on Wednesday morning, has kept up his usual duties,
Mr. McClellan said. After appearing before the grand jury on Friday,
Mr. Rove will get right back into political mode. He is scheduled to
appear at a fund-raiser over the weekend for Jerry Kilgore, the
Republican candidate for governor of Virginia.
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